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It is Samil (March 1st) Independence Day in Korea.
Quotes of the Day:
We claim independence in the interest of the eternal and free development of our people and in accordance with the great movement for world reform based upon the awakening conscience of mankind. This is the clear command of heaven, the course of our times, and a legitimate manifestation of the right of all nations to coexist and live in harmony. Behold! A new world is before our eyes. The days of force are gone, and the days of morality are here. The spirit of humanity, nurtured throughout the past century, has begun casting its rays of new civilization upon human history.
We do not intend to accuse Japan of infidelity for its violation of various solemn treaty obligations since the Treaty of Amity of 1876. Japan’s scholars and officials, indulging in a conqueror’s exuberance, have denigrated the accomplishments of our ancestors and treated our civilized people like barbarians. Despite their disregard for the ancient origins of our society and the brilliant spirit of our people, we shall not blame Japan; we must first blame ourselves before finding fault with others. Because of the urgent need for remedies for the problems of today, we cannot afford the time for recriminations over past wrongs.
All our actions should scrupulously uphold public order, and our demands and our attitudes must be honorable and upright.
– Korean Declaration of Independence, March 1st, 1919
"If God asked me what was my wish, I would reply unhesitatingly, 'Korean independence.' If he asked me what was my second wish, I would again answer, "My country's independence."If he asked me what was my third wish, I would reply in an even louder voice, 'My wish is the complete independence of my country, Korea.' My fellow brethren. This is my only wish. I have lived seventy years of my life for this wish, am living my life for this wish, and will live my life only to fulfill this wish."
– Kim Gu
“Even if my fingernails are torn out, my nose and ears are ripped apart, and my legs and arms are crushed, this physical pain does not compare to the pain of losing my nation. My only remorse is not being able to do more than dedicating my life to my country.”
- Yu Gwan sun
1. Overlooked No More: Yu Gwan-sun, a Korean Independence Activist Who Defied Japanese Rule
2. Address by President Yoon Suk Yeol on the 105th March 1st Independence Movement Day
3. Why North Korea wants another chance with Donald Trump
4. Decoding North Korea’s Changing Policies: A South Korean Perspective
5. Half of Russian artillery shells from North Korea proven inoperable
6. S. Korea, US to begin defense cost-sharing talks in near future: senior Seoul official
7. Cooperation among NK, Russia, China, Iran raises possibility of 'simultaneous conflicts': US general
8. Yoon touts improved Japan ties on Independence Movement Day as gateway to 'new world'
9. N.K. again close to bottom in global freedom index: report
10. N. Korean workers refuse to go to work in Dandong: Seoul expert
11. Kim Jong Un’s new car from Putin sparks resentment among North Koreans
12. S. Korea to update unification vision for 1st time in 30 years
13. N. Korean officials shocked about establishment of ties between S. Korea and Cuba
14. N. Korean soldier’s desertion in Pyongyang causes major stir
15. Exclusive: Kim Jong Un is now ‘Great Comrade,’ no longer ‘Great Leader’
16. In South Korea, Del Toro courts major shipbuilders to set up shop in US
1. Overlooked No More: Yu Gwan-sun, a Korean Independence Activist Who Defied Japanese Rule
For context on March 1st. A reminder from history.
Overlooked No More: Yu Gwan-sun, a Korean Independence Activist Who Defied Japanese Rule
When a call for peaceful protests came in spring 1919, a schoolgirl became the face of a nation’s collective yearning for freedom.
Yu Gwan-sun took an active part in the March 1, 1919, independence movement against Japanese colonial rule in Korea. Dying in prison at 17, she became a national hero.
By Inyoung Kang
March 28, 2018
한국어로 읽기
Since 1851, obituaries in The New York Times have been dominated by white men. With Overlooked, we’re adding the stories of remarkable people.
SEOUL, South Korea — When a call for peaceful protests in support of Korean independence came in spring 1919, a 16-year-old girl named Yu Gwan-sun became the face of a nation’s collective yearning for freedom.
Yu was a student at Ewha Haktang in Seoul, which was established by American missionaries as the first modern educational institution for women in Korea. On March 1, 1919, Yu and four classmates joined others taking to the streets with cries of “Mansei!” (“Long live Korean independence!”) in one of the earliest protests against Japanese colonial rule. Amid the demonstration, the Declaration of Independence — written by the publisher Choe Nam-seon and signed by 33 Korean cultural and religious leaders — was recited at Seoul’s Pagoda Park.
The next day, protest organizers came to Ewha Haktang and encouraged Yu and her peers to join a student demonstration to be staged in three days. On March 5, she and her classmates marched at Namdaemun, a gate in central Seoul. They were detained by the Japanese authorities, but missionaries from the school negotiated their release.
The colonial government retaliated quickly, ordering all schools closed on March 10. A few days later, Yu returned to her hometown, Cheonan, about 53 miles south of Seoul in South Chungcheong Province, with a smuggled copy of the Declaration of Independence. She went from village to village spreading word of the Samil (literally “three-one,” or March 1) Movement and rallying local residents to organize their own protests.
The movement quickly took hold. Early on April 1, 3,000 people gathered at Aunae, a marketplace in Cheonan. Yu was there, distributing homemade taegeukgi, or Korean national flags, and giving speeches calling for independence. The Japanese military police arrived and fired on the crowd, killing 19 people. Yu’s parents were among the dead.
By the time the authorities quashed the protests a few weeks later, an estimated two million people out of a population of 20 million had participated in 1,542 pro-independence marches, according to Djun Kil Kim, author of “The History of Korea.” More than 7,000 people had been killed, and about 46,000, including Yu, had been jailed. After being convicted of sedition, she was sent to Seodaemun Prison in Seoul.
At Seodaemun, Yu demanded the release of other prisoners and continued to express her support for Korean independence. She shouted at her Japanese captors and, with other inmates, organized a large-scale protest on the first anniversary of the March 1 Movement.
“Even if my fingernails are torn out, my nose and ears are ripped apart, and my legs and arms are crushed, this physical pain does not compare to the pain of losing my nation,” she wrote in prison. “My only remorse is not being able to do more than dedicating my life to my country."
She was eventually transferred to an underground cell, where she was repeatedly beaten and tortured for speaking out. “Japan will fall,” she wrote shortly before dying of her injuries on Sept. 28, 1920, at 17.
Image
Yu was arrested and convicted of sedition for her part in the resistance to Japanese rule.Credit...Alamy
Yu was born on Dec. 16, 1902, the second daughter of five children to Christian parents near Cheonan, in what became South Korea when the peninsula was divided in 1945, after World War II.
She was influenced by her father, who taught her about Christianity and instilled traditional Confucian values of nationalism and civic awareness. Nine members of the Yu family — spanning three generations — were involved in the independence movement.
Yu was an intelligent child who attended a nearby Methodist church and memorized Bible verses easily, according to curators at the Ewha Museum in Seoul. An American missionary, Alice J. Hammond Sharp, encouraged Yu to attend the Ewha school to advance her education, something few Korean women did at that time.
The Korean Peninsula came under Japanese military rule three years after Yu was born. It was formally annexed in 1910, the start of a 35-year struggle for independence. Yu would not have remembered a free Korea, and she died long before liberation in August 1945.
The March 1 Movement did not immediately result in Korea’s independence, but it crystallized a sense of national unity and was a catalyst for the resistance. Today, March 1 is a national holiday in South Korea, where the 100th anniversary of the movement will be commemorated next year.
In August 2015, Yukio Hatoyama, a onetime leader of Japan, visited Seodaemun, which is now a national museum.
“As a former prime minister, as a Japanese citizen and as a human being,” Hatoyama said, “I am here today to offer my sincere apologies, from the bottom of my heart, to those who were tortured and were killed here.”
Hatoyama knelt and observed a moment of silence before a monument to colonial-era independence activists. He also visited a prison cell where Yu had been held. It was the first time a former Japanese prime minister had visited the site.
Yu was also honored by the former United Nations secretary general Ban Ki-moon, who received an honorary doctorate from Ewha in 2015.
“I want to speak about a great young Korean woman who lost her own freedom so that others could be free,” Ban said at a ceremony at the university, likening Yu to Joan of Arc. “This is proof that violence can kill a person, but not their memory, not their ideals. Her patriotism demonstrates the great way she lived and died.”
Choonkyu Lee contributed research.
A correction was made on April 2, 2018: An earlier version of this obituary misstated the denomination of the church Yu attended when she was a child. It was a Methodist church, not a Presbyterian church.
When we learn of a mistake, we acknowledge it with a correction. If you spot an error, please let us know at nytnews@nytimes.com.Learn more
2. Address by President Yoon Suk Yeol on the 105th March 1st Independence Movement Day
Again, all the non-believers in unification should heed President Yoon's words which are supported by President Biden and Prime MInister Kishida.
Excerpts:
Unification is not just an issue confined to the Korean Peninsula.
The tyranny and human rights abuses of the North Korean regime deny the universal values of humanity.
Unification is precisely what is needed to expand the universal values of freedom and human rights.
Our unification efforts must become a source of hope and a beacon of light for the people of North Korea.
The government will continue extending the helping hand to North Koreans, and our efforts to improve their human rights will never cease.
We will continue to provide North Korean defectors with warmhearted support, so they can enjoy freedom and prosperity together with us.
Beginning this year, the government designated July 14 as North Korean Defectors’ Day.
In light of this designation, I ask all citizens to extend warm compassion and understanding toward North Korean defectors.
Unification is a challenging task that we cannot accomplish alone.
The international community must pool its strength in a responsible manner.
A free, unified Republic of Korea will contribute to peace and prosperity not only in Northeast Asia but also in the Indo-Pacific region and the rest of the world.
As President of the Republic of Korea, I will do all I can to fulfill this duty that history and the Constitution have given to me.
Address by President Yoon Suk Yeol on the 105th March 1st Independence Movement Day
m.koreaherald.com · by Korea Herald · March 1, 2024
President Yoon Suk Yeol delivers an address on the Independence Movement Day in Seoul on Friday. (Yonhap)
My fellow citizens, 7 million overseas Koreans, decorated patriots who fought for the nation’s independence,
Today, we celebrate the 105th March First Independence Movement Day.
With utmost reverence, I pay a heartfelt tribute to our fallen patriotic forefathers and patriots who devoted themselves to the cause of our country’s freedom and prosperity.
I extend my sincerest gratitude to our independence heroes and the bereaved families who lost their loved ones.
Fellow Koreans,
One hundred and five years ago today, our patriotic forefathers declared Korea to be an independent country where the Korean people are its rightful owners.
With the national flag, Taegeukgi, in their hands and with unquenchable belief in freedom in their hearts, they took to the streets in a nationwide non-violent struggle.
The 1919 Proclamation of Korean Independence eloquently lays out the spirit of the March First Independence Movement as follows:
“We claim independence in the interest of the eternal and free development of our people and in accordance with the great movement for world reform based upon the awakening conscience of mankind.”
The Proclamation of Korean Independence was rooted in "liberalism" -- a prevailing trend of world history at that time.
Our patriotic martyrs believed that if the blood they shed soaked the soil and caused seeds of freedom to sprout, their sons and daughters could live happily in a free and affluent land.
Moreover, the March First Independence Movement was a forward-looking, unprecedented fight for independence.
Rather than a return to monarchy, it envisioned a new country where every Korean, regardless of gender or age, could fully enjoy their freedoms.
And what our patriotic martyrs believed in and hoped for has believed in and hoped for has now been realized.
Today, the Republic of Korea is known to the world as a global pivotal state where freedom and prosperity flourish.
Just as the Proclamation of Korean Independence declared, Korea has become a country of new and outstanding vitality; a country that contributes to global peace and prosperity; and a country that shares its ingenious and enticing culture with the world.
The journey has never been easy.
With independence came the occupation of the northern half of our country by the forces of communist totalitarianism. We also had to endure a horrendous war.
Nonetheless, no hardships could deter us from our quest for freedom and prosperity.
Despite lacking any capital or resources, we built expressways and nuclear power plants and cultivated industries on a war-ravaged land.
Even during the times when affording a meal was a daily challenge, we looked to the future and made unsparing investments in science and technology as well as education.
Our people have overcome countless adversities and challenges. I am truly proud of the great journey taken by them all. The government and I will do everything possible to build a happier and more prosperous Republic of Korea while upholding the value of freedom –– the spirit of the March First Independence Movement.
Fellow Koreans,
I would like all of us here today to reflect on the history of our independence movement.
Inheriting the spirit of the March First Independence Movement, various types of independence movements followed at home and abroad.
Independence fighters engaged fiercely in armed struggle at the risk of their lives.
Visionaries with insight into changing global political landscape struggled for independence through diplomacy in countries around the world.
Some independence activists initiated educational and cultural movements to empower Koreans with necessary skills on their own.
Following the defeat of imperialism, we were able to gain independence thanks to all these pioneering endeavors.
The blood and sweat of these independence activists enabled our country's independence and became the foundation of the Republic of Korea.
I believe that the significance of all of these independence movements must be duly recognized and their history should be passed down correctly generation after generation.
No one is allowed to monopolize history. All Korean people and our future generations should take pride in the proud history of the Republic of Korea.
The government and I are committed to ensuring that the sacrifices and dedication of our patriotic martyrs in securing the independence, founding and prosperity of our country are properly honored and remembered by our descendants.
Fellow Koreans,
The 1919 Proclamation of Korean Independence made it clear to Japan that our independence would be a path to prosperity for both countries and that we should open a “new world” on the foundation of mutual understanding and empathy.
Now, Korea and Japan are working together to overcome the painful past and moving toward that “new world."
Sharing the values of freedom, human rights and the rule of law, our two countries have become partners in the pursuit of common interests for global peace and prosperity.
The security cooperation between the two countries against North Korea’s nuclear and missile threats has been strengthened further.
Korea and Japan are building a closer partnership in industry, finance and cutting-edge technologies, and 9.28 million people traveled back and forth between our two countries last year.
When armed conflicts broke in the Middle East and Africa, both countries helped rescue each other's citizens.
If Korea and Japan build trust through mutual exchanges and cooperation and work together to resolve difficult challenges that history has left us, we will be able to usher in a new and brighter future for our bilateral relations.
I hope that the 60th anniversary of Korea and Japan normalizing diplomatic relations next year will serve as an opportunity to take our bilateral relationship to a higher level, one that is more productive and constructive.
Fellow Koreans,
The March First Independence Movement will be made complete only upon a unification that brings freedom and abundance to everyone.
Now, we must move toward a free, unified Korean Peninsula where the people are its rightful owners.
North Korea still continues its totalitarian system and repressive rule and is unable to escape from the worst forms of degradation and poverty.
The North Korean regime relies solely on nuclear weapons and missiles while trapping its 26 million citizens in a quagmire of misery and despair.
Recently, North Korea labeled the Republic of Korea as its primary foe and invariable principal enemy.
This is truly deplorable.
Unification is not just an issue confined to the Korean Peninsula.
The tyranny and human rights abuses of the North Korean regime deny the universal values of humanity.
Unification is precisely what is needed to expand the universal values of freedom and human rights.
Our unification efforts must become a source of hope and a beacon of light for the people of North Korea.
The government will continue extending the helping hand to North Koreans, and our efforts to improve their human rights will never cease.
We will continue to provide North Korean defectors with warmhearted support, so they can enjoy freedom and prosperity together with us.
Beginning this year, the government designated July 14 as North Korean Defectors’ Day.
In light of this designation, I ask all citizens to extend warm compassion and understanding toward North Korean defectors.
Unification is a challenging task that we cannot accomplish alone.
The international community must pool its strength in a responsible manner.
A free, unified Republic of Korea will contribute to peace and prosperity not only in Northeast Asia but also in the Indo-Pacific region and the rest of the world.
As President of the Republic of Korea, I will do all I can to fulfill this duty that history and the Constitution have given to me.
Fellow citizens,
We are now standing at the crossroads of a historic transformation.
We must expand freedom. We must promote peace. Let us move forward along the path to prosperity by rekindling the spirit of the Proclamation of Korean Independence.
We must come together on a path that leads ultimately to unification. Our government will take the lead with passion and dedication.
Let us join hands and usher in a new, hopeful future together.
Thank you.
m.koreaherald.com · by Korea Herald · March 1, 2024
3. Why North Korea wants another chance with Donald Trump
From our colleague at the Center for Asia Pacific Strategy. Ambassador Schäfer was twice the German Ambassador to Pyongyang.
Why North Korea wants another chance with Donald Trump
https://www.npr.org/2024/02/28/1233985916/north-korea-diplomacy-trump-germany-former-ambassador?utm
FEBRUARY 28, 20248:27 AM ET
By
Thomas Schäfer
North Korea's leader Kim Jong Un walks to a meeting with then-President Donald Trump in the Demilitarized Zone that straddles the Koreas on June 30, 2019.
Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images
Thomas Schäfer was Germany's ambassador to North Korea in 2007-2010 and 2013-2018.
When I started to work as Germany's ambassador in Pyongyang, the North Korean capital, in the summer of 2007, I was full of hope. Some years before, North Korea had undertaken some economic reform. Negotiations on the North's denuclearization with the United States, China, Russia, Japan and South Korea, known as the six-party talks, were still going on. At my first diplomatic posting in Beijing in the mid-1980s, I had witnessed Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping's economic reform and opening up policy, and was hoping for a similar development in North Korea.
Hope for a more peaceful and open North Korea had also been the reason why Germany had, at the request of South Korea, opened an embassy in Pyongyang in 2001.
Like China in the '80s, the attempts of reform did not go unchallenged among Pyongyang's elites: In September 2007, while North Korea publicly thanked foreign countries for their help in supporting flood victims the month before, its official newspapers also warned against "outside help" and "cooperation." The "imperialists," as the propaganda went, were peddling support only to achieve their sinister goals and bring death and destruction. If unchecked, it continued, the "imperialist policy of ideological and cultural poisoning" would lead to North Korea's concession and ultimately to defeat. The appropriateness of foreign investment was discussed in similar terms in state-run newspapers.
Like other regimes with a similar mindset, the North Korean leadership views cooperation with foreign countries as a latent threat to the stability of the regime. On top of that, it also fears that the influx of destabilizing ideas might lead to a German-style reunification of the two Koreas "by absorption," as Pyongyang calls it. South Korea is considered as an existential threat which it can only hope to somehow neutralize once the alliance between South Korea and the United States has been weakened. North Korea hopes for a win by former President Donald Trump in the upcoming U.S. presidential elections, as the regime in Pyongyang sees him as more amenable to its wishes than President Biden. Until the elections, it will continue to increase tensions with South Korea and the U.S.
This hostility toward any meaningful contact with the outside world — in particular with neighboring South Korea — was a constant theme throughout my years representing Germany in North Korea. Like all foreigners, we were isolated and constantly monitored by government agents. We were generally not allowed to take a step outside Pyongyang without a local minder.
Then-President Donald Trump talks with South Korean President Moon Jae-in (right) during their meeting at the presidential Blue House on June 30, 2019, in Seoul, South Korea.
Kim Hong-Ji-/Pool/Getty Images
The fact that we were able to move freely within the city did not mean we had many opportunities to have intensive contact with locals, as they are prohibited from unauthorized contact with us. Even worse, the public is required to pay attention to "suspicious" behavior by foreigners and, if necessary, report it to police. This has repeatedly led to the short-term arrest of staff of the German Embassy and visiting members of my own family. But all this did not stop us from trying to persuade the authorities to make changes to their system — for the potential benefit, also, to ordinary North Korean citizens.
My first stint in North Korea ended in 2010. Three years later, I returned to Pyongyang to serve my second term. Shortly after my return, I submitted an offer to the government in Pyongyang to organize a dialogue on the relationship between the former East and West German states in the decades leading up to reunification. In the proposal, I described how the governments of East and West Germany had made the relationship between the people of the two Germanys more bearable through measures such as telephone and postal links, the sending of parcels with clothes and chocolate from West to East, as well as visitor exchanges. As a result, the relations between individual East and West Germans were in general much closer and the knowledge about each other much greater than between North and South Koreans.
People visit the statues of late North Korean leaders Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il to pay their respects on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the birth of Kim Jong Il, at Mansudae hill in Pyongyang on Feb. 16, 2017.
Ed Jones/AFP via Getty Images
Perhaps unsurprisingly, this effort ended to no avail. After celebrating the anniversary of German reunification in the garden of the embassy in 2014 or 2015, a North Korean official told me that Pyongyang did not "want to hear anything" about it any more as the circumstances were different and as North Korea would never accept reunification "by absorption."
A January 2016 statement by the North Korean Foreign Ministry's "Institute for Disarmament and Peace" put it in stark terms: "German-style reunification mode is what the current south [sic] Korean authorities are most fascinated by and trying to copy. The capitalist West Germany had degenerated the former socialist East Germany and enforced its ideas and system over the latter." Likewise, the statement went (using initials of North Korea's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea), "the south Korean authorities aim to change the color of the DPRK by luring it to 'reform' and 'opening' and ultimately conquering the latter."
The regime in Pyongyang knows that, just as the battle cry of the East German demonstrators at the end of the 1980s changed from "We are the people!" to "We are one people!" within a short time, the North Korean people as well could conclude that joining the South would be the quickest and easiest path to a better life.
But in defending against foreign ideas, Pyongyang finds itself in a Catch-22 situation. It sees the huge and increasing development gap between itself and its neighbors — in particular South Korea — as an existential threat. At the same time, however, it also believes that the means to make up for the shortfall, namely reforms and opening up, would not only weaken the strict controls imposed on its population but also exacerbate the threat of absorption by South Korea. This marks a dramatic difference between North Korea and China and helps to explain why North Korea has been much more resistant to reforms than China or Vietnam. In time, China and Vietnam allowed some degree of market competition, foreign investment and participation in their state-controlled societies, which opened up more opportunities for their citizens to shape their lives as they see fit.
The solution? Pyongyang thinks that it is to get South Korea under its control — however unrealistic it is. "Reunification," in Pyongyang's terms, has always been more about control than merging the two societies. To Pyongyang, it has meant that in a first phase — as its officials told me in our multiple conversations throughout my stay in North Korea — the two systems of government and society as well as the inter-Korean border would be maintained, and financial support would be provided by the South. A common foreign and security policy would be created, and U.S. troops and the U.S. nuclear umbrella, both essential elements in deterring North Korea from attacking the southern part of the peninsula, would be withdrawn from South Korea.
The final phase — and this indeed was made clear to me in my conversations with the officials — would be a united Korea dominated by and modeled along the lines of Pyongyang. That's why, in my view, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un's recent announcement that his country would end efforts to achieve a "peaceful" unification and would regard South Korea as a "hostile" nation, does not alter Pyongyang's intention to get South Korea under its control — however fantastical it is. Pyongyang's recent tactic is meant to increase pressure — but it is old wine in a new bottle.
What's different, however, is that Pyongyang today has an additional audience to speak to: the likely Republican presidential candidate, former President Donald Trump.
In this April 27, 2018, file photo, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un (left) prepares to shake hands with then-South Korean President Moon Jae-in over the military demarcation line at the border village of Panmunjom in the Demilitarized Zone.
Korea Summit Press Pool /AP
Until mid-2016, North Korean media had barely paid attention to Trump. But as he was nominated to become the Republican Party's candidate in July that year, they reported on his stated intention to withdraw U.S. troops from South Korea and keep the U.S. out of a war on the Korean Peninsula if Seoul did not cover the cost of stationing U.S. troops there. Korea Today — an official North Korean propaganda outlet provided to foreign readers — described Trump as "far-sighted" and "wise." This was the time when Pyongyang began to see the election of Trump as a good opportunity.
During these days, I occasionally spoke with North Korean officials about Trump. Like most observers, they also seemed to be just as baffled. One interlocutor told me they had problems understanding his way of thinking. Another grinned when Trump was mentioned. Having dealt with my interlocutors for a long time, I sensed that Pyongyang would try to use Trump's personality — his superficiality, vanity and fixation on spectacular "deals" — to obtain concessions previously considered unattainable.
In early 2018, when it became clear that negotiations between the United States and North Korea would take place, I tried to gauge the expectations of several North Koreans — officially as well as unofficially. Among those I spoke to, all of them told me that North Korea would not be willing to give up its nuclear weapons. One speculated that a "deal" with Trump could possibly consist of Pyongyang's renunciation of further arms development in exchange for formal recognition as a nuclear power, as well as other political and economic concessions.
Members of the press work at the international press center under TV screens showing footage of the meeting between then-President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un on June 12, 2018, in Singapore.
Chris McGrath/Getty Images
The talks confirmed my belief that North Korea would mainly focus on advancing its own security policy — that is, being recognized as a nuclear power, cessation of U.S.-South Korea joint maneuvers, and withdrawal of U.S. troops. As to sanctions relief, we assessed it was only Pyongyang's secondary concern.
So before the high-profile Trump-Kim summits began, I concluded to Berlin that Pyongyang would try to persuade Trump to strike a quick just-for-show deal that would result in a temporary and precarious détente, but might also lead to a lasting weakening of the alliance between Washington and Seoul. On June 12, 2018, Trump in fact announced that the U.S. military would stop joint military exercises on the Korean Peninsula.
In Pyongyang's view, the current U.S.-South Korean policy toward Pyongyang is much worse than Trump's North Korea policy was. President Biden and South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol have agreed to restart the joint maneuvers, have reinforced their countries' alliance and even included Japan in a trilateral cooperation. Although the Trump-Kim meetings up to Hanoi, Vietnam, in 2019 did not give everything Kim had asked for, Pyongyang surely believes that a victory by Trump in the presidential elections would give North Korea a second chance to further its objectives, that is, the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the peninsula, the weakening of the U.S.-Korean alliance, and, ultimately, control of South Korea by Pyongyang. So as Trump emerges as the Republican front-runner again, I am convinced that Pyongyang would love to give negotiations with Trump another try, in the event that he wins the presidency again later this year.
This also means that, until then, North Korea will continue to ratchet up tensions with South Korea in order to provide Trump with a possible "success" if he returns to the White House. Their thinking is: The more we increase tensions, the more we can back down during negotiations, and the more "benefit" a President Trump can claim for having saved peace. Trump, according to Pyongyang's thinking, may well give in this time.
President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un stand on North Korean soil while walking to South Korea in the Demilitarized Zone on June 30, 2019.
Brendan Smialowski /AFP via Getty Images
4. Decoding North Korea’s Changing Policies: A South Korean Perspective
Are they really changing or is the regime continuing its political warfare strategy to undermine the ROK government and society and the ROK/US alliance?
I am glad the author highlights these points about unification. I hear too many Americans discount unification offering the same old shallow tropes about the surveys they hear about. Those who discount unification are certainly not helping the alliance and are missing a key line of effort to an overall strategy. But many Americans think the only interest on the Korean peninsula is north Korean nuclear weapons and they are blinded by them. There is only one US government official (military or civilian) that I have seen who grasps the importance of Koran unification and that is the new Deputy Secretary of State, Kurt Campbell.
Excerpts:
South Korea remains steadfast in its commitment to the pursuit of unification and vehemently rejects North Korea’s “two states on the Korean peninsula” narrative. Anchored in a shared ethnicity and a rich history spanning over 5,000 years, the Korean people inherently perceive the peninsula as a cohesive entity, both geographically and culturally. The unnatural, artificial division of the peninsula has grievously curtailed the freedoms of its populace, perpetuating a state of tension and conflict. If more than two systems exist on the Korean Peninsula because of the division, the two states will constantly remain in a state of war. In November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 112, advocating for the establishment of a unified National Government of Korea through an election by the Korean people. But today, the region remains ensnared in a protracted state of suspended hostility.
South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol criticized North Korea’s statement regarding a “two-state” system or of completely subjugating South Korea by nuclear force as being based on an “anti-national and ahistorical” nature. The South Korean government is steadfast in its commitment to upholding its legal, moral and humanitarian obligations toward North Korean residents as delineated in the ethos of “a special interim relationship stemming from the process towards unification” in the 1991 agreement between the two Koreas. In adherence to this commitment, South Korea endeavors to enhance the human rights of North Korean residents and facilitate their successful integration into South Korea. It remains resolute in its pursuit of inter-Korean normalization, contingent upon North Korea’s denuclearization, and the concomitant modernization of its economy.
Decoding North Korea’s Changing Policies: A South Korean Perspective
At the end of 2023, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) unveiled a series of policy shifts pertaining to inter-Korean relations, marking a significant departure from prior approaches to one that emphasizes hostility over reconciliation. This policy overhaul includes framing ties with the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea) as those “between two belligerent states” and asserts the potential use of nuclear weapons as a contingency for “completely occupying, subjugating and reclaiming the ROK and annex[ing] it as part of the [North Korean] territory.” Additionally, plans were announced to revise the constitution during the upcoming Supreme People’s Assembly in April 2024, with proposed amendments aiming to renounce the “One Korea Policy” North Korea has been asserting for several decades, redefine itself as an independent socialist state, and expunge prior unification-oriented provisions, such as “independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity.” Korea has already disbanded state agencies dedicated to inter-Korean exchanges, prohibited residents from employing kinship-related terminology, and dismantled pertinent monuments. Expressions such as “South Korea,” “North Korea,” “kinship,” and “unification have also been systematically erased from official publications.
To better understand this policy shift, we must review the historical context and North Korea’s motivations behind it, as well as South Korea’s commitment to unification and its diplomatic efforts.
North Korea’s Vision of Unification Over the Years
The change in North Korea’s strategy towards South Korea can be construed as a manifestation of frustration following perceived setbacks in inter-Korean ideological competition. Ultimately, it represents a survival strategy of the Kim Jong Un regime. Since its ill-fated attempt to effect unification under communist rule through the illegal invasion of South Korea in 1950, North Korea steadfastly pursued the vision of unification led by its regime, encapsulated in the rallying cry of “One Korea.” In pursuit of such a mantra, North Korea has historically sought to orchestrate unification under its auspices, envisioning the withdrawal of US forces from South Korea while fostering pro-North Korea factions through espionage endeavors aimed at destabilizing liberal democratic governance.
Over the past seven decades, North Korea has been promoting North Korea-led unification as the justification for preserving the regime’s existence and has forced the residents to endure and sacrifice. It constantly engaged in espionage operations, invasions, propaganda, and psychological warfare to cause social disruption in the South and even committed local provocations.[1] However, the collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union precipitated dire economic straits for North Korea in the 1990s, compelling the regime to reassess its approach.
Consequently, North Korea embarked on a tentative rapprochement with South Korea, engaging in economic cooperation and personnel exchanges and accepting humanitarian aid from the South by holding an inter-Korean Summit between President Kim Dae-jung and Chairman Kim Jong Il in 2000. During the process, despite strict controls on information coming into and leaving the country, North Korean residents were able to witness the success of the system governing South Korea and learned more about the disparity between the two countries. The “Korean Wave” even spread among the youth in North Korea and has continued to spread despite the suspension of inter-Korean exchanges and economic cooperation after the closing of the Kaesong Industrial Complex in 2016. As North Korea found itself overwhelmingly disadvantaged in the inter-Korean regime competition, the notion of North Korea-led unification became practically unachievable.
Kim Jong Un’s Response to Domestic Setbacks
It appears the Kim Jong Un regime perceives an admiration among North Korean residents for South Korean culture, epitomized by the pervasive influence of the “Korean Wave,” as a dual threat: not only does it undermine the regime’s stability, but it also could foster aspirations for unification under a liberal democratic order led by South Korea. This apprehension was palpably articulated by Kim Jong Un during the plenary session of the Korean Workers’ Party at the end of 2023. In a bid to counteract the proliferation of South Korean cultural influences, the regime resorted to expanding draconian measures such as the enactment of the Reactionary Ideology and Culture Rejection Act, which promotes harsher punishments on North Korean residents for engaging in behaviors deemed to imitate or emulate South Korean culture. Paradoxically, these repressive tactics have engendered heightened levels of frustration and disenchantment among the populace, thereby fueling the propagation of the Korean Wave within North Korea.[2]
At the end of 2023, North Korea launched a concerted campaign to indoctrinate North Korean residents with the notion that they share no fraternal bond with their South Korean counterparts and that South Korea must be regarded as the country’s “principal enemy.” The aim appears to be to prevent North Korean residents from drawing comparisons between the two Koreas and dampen any nascent hopes for a South Korea-led unification.
North Korea will intensify its surveillance apparatus and tighten controls over its population in a bid to eradicate notions of kinship, reconciliation and unification from their collective consciousness by emphasizing that South Korea is the North’s “most hostile state” and “primary foe.” Since North Korea has valued and promoted national unity and unification as one of the country’s top priorities for over seven decades, banning the use of such terms might cause confusion and disruption in North Korean society. Words that were once deemed and promoted as sacred, such as “unification” and “kinship,” are now prohibited and, if used, could lead to punishment under the label “political prisoner.”
North Korea redefined inter-Korean relations as those between two states that were hostile to each other. However, it is noteworthy that South Korea and North Korea previously reached a significant Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-Aggression, and Exchanges and Cooperation between South and North Korea during high-level talks on December 13, 1991. At that juncture, both parties acknowledged that their relations did not conform to the traditional paradigm of interstate relations but rather constituted a “special relationship stemming from the process towards unification.” The South-North Joint Declaration in 2000 also presented a confederation between North and South Korea, in which the countries’ respective political systems would initially remain intact. Regrettably, North Korea has since reneged on these agreements, and South Korea has also moved away from these alternatives.
Despite acute economic adversities, North Korea has persisted in disproportionately allocating resources to the advancement of its nuclear weapons. To justify its actions, North Korea is setting forth the goal of subjugating the South Korean territories by reducing them to ashes with nuclear weapons after defining inter-Korean relations as relations between two belligerent states.
North Korea’s Nuclear Capabilities and Strategic Shift
In the foreseeable future, North Korea is poised to maintain a steadfast focus on the augmentation of its nuclear capabilities, a trajectory that may precipitate heightened tensions between the two Koreas.
To this end, North Korea is aggressively pursuing the development of a diverse array of armaments, encompassing nuclear tactical weaponry, hypersonic missiles, solid-fuel intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), nuclear-equipped submarines, nuclear-powered strategic submarines, super-large nuclear warheads, and military spy satellites. The overarching aim of these efforts is twofold: to bolster its capacity to menace South Korea and dissuade US intervention in matters pertaining to inter-Korean affairs. The possibility of provocations by the North persists, particularly near the Military Demarcation Line (MDL) and the Northern Limit Line (NLL). While certain analysts harbor apprehensions regarding the potential outbreak of hostilities on the Korean Peninsula and the resolve of the Kim Jong Un regime to start a war, it would be imprudent to take North Korea’s bellicose rhetoric at face value.
The likelihood of such actions, whether localized or escalating to full-scale conflict, diminishes significantly when South Korea and the US-ROK alliance remain robust and comprehensive. Any deficiencies in defense readiness or a significant military imbalance will lead to an increased possibility of North Korea’s local or full-scale provocations.
South Korea’s Stance on Unification
South Korea remains steadfast in its commitment to the pursuit of unification and vehemently rejects North Korea’s “two states on the Korean peninsula” narrative. Anchored in a shared ethnicity and a rich history spanning over 5,000 years, the Korean people inherently perceive the peninsula as a cohesive entity, both geographically and culturally. The unnatural, artificial division of the peninsula has grievously curtailed the freedoms of its populace, perpetuating a state of tension and conflict. If more than two systems exist on the Korean Peninsula because of the division, the two states will constantly remain in a state of war. In November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 112, advocating for the establishment of a unified National Government of Korea through an election by the Korean people. But today, the region remains ensnared in a protracted state of suspended hostility.
South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol criticized North Korea’s statement regarding a “two-state” system or of completely subjugating South Korea by nuclear force as being based on an “anti-national and ahistorical” nature. The South Korean government is steadfast in its commitment to upholding its legal, moral and humanitarian obligations toward North Korean residents as delineated in the ethos of “a special interim relationship stemming from the process towards unification” in the 1991 agreement between the two Koreas. In adherence to this commitment, South Korea endeavors to enhance the human rights of North Korean residents and facilitate their successful integration into South Korea. It remains resolute in its pursuit of inter-Korean normalization, contingent upon North Korea’s denuclearization, and the concomitant modernization of its economy.
Looking Ahead
North Korea’s significant policy shift in inter-Korean relations reflects a complex interplay of history and strategic recalibrations. Looking forward, as both Koreas navigate their respective paths, global diplomatic efforts must remain proactive to foster stability and mitigate potential conflicts on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea asserts and will continue to take leadership in shaping the prospects for the unification of the Korean Peninsula.
- [1]
- Nam Sung Wook, “북한의 대남공작 역사와 구조:김일성시대와 김정일시대를 중심으로 [The History and Structure of North Korea’s Espionage Operations against South Korea: Centering on the Era of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il],” Policy Studies 155, (2007).
- [2]
- “Report on North Korea’s Economic and Social Conditions,” Ministry of Unification, (February 06, 2024): 232-268.
5. Half of Russian artillery shells from North Korea proven inoperable
Circular reporting from the original Newsweek article but it is good to continue to highlight this.
Half of Russian artillery shells from North Korea proven inoperable
Defense News February 2024 Global Security army industry
POSTED ON TUESDAY, 27 FEBRUARY 2024 14:16
https://armyrecognition.com/defense_news_february_2024_global_security_army_industry/half_of_russian_artillery_shells_from_north_korea_proven_inoperable.html?utm
According to a senior Ukrainian defense official quoted by John Feng in Newsweek, over half of the more than a million artillery shells sent to Russia from North Korea are defective. Vadym Skibitsky, the second-in-command at Ukraine's Main Intelligence Directorate (GUR), stated that the Kremlin sought assistance from its secretive Asian ally to supplement Russia's limited arms manufacturing capabilities, albeit with varying degrees of success.
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The shipments from North Korea are said to include significant quantities of artillery shells, such as 120mm mortars, 122mm and 152mm artillery shells, and 122mm rockets, which are compatible with Russian weapons used in Ukraine (Picture source: Russian MoD)
Skibitsky's remarks, disclosed to the Interfax Ukraine news agency on February 23, stated: "As per the available statistical data, Russia has already imported 1.5 million rounds of ammunition from the DPRK. However, these munitions date back to the 1970s and 1980s. Approximately half of them are non-operational, while the remainder necessitates either restoration or, at the very least, thorough inspection before deployment."
According to Bloomberg, satellite imagery from October to December 2023 showed hundreds of shipping containers being loaded onto and unloaded from Russian ships at North Korea’s Najin and Russia’s Dunay ports, suggesting a steady flow of military supplies between the two countries. This cooperation is reportedly enabling Moscow to maintain pressure on Ukraine amid the ongoing conflict, as Western nations have accused North Korea of aiding Russia's military efforts.
The United States, South Korea, and Japan announced in October that they had confirmed North Korea's provision of arms and military equipment to Russia for use against Ukraine. In response, Pyongyang sought Moscow's military assistance, though both Russia and North Korea deny these claims. The shipments are said to include significant quantities of artillery shells, such as 120mm mortars, 122mm and 152mm artillery shells, and 122mm rockets, which are compatible with Russian weapons used in Ukraine.
This ongoing military cooperation between Russia and North Korea (and Iran for drones), despite international sanctions and widespread condemnation, highlights the complex dynamics of international relations and the challenges in addressing the Ukraine conflict.
Defense News February 2024
6. S. Korea, US to begin defense cost-sharing talks in near future: senior Seoul official
S. Korea, US to begin defense cost-sharing talks in near future: senior Seoul official
The Korea Times · February 29, 2024
Flags of South Korea and the United States flutter outside of the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History in Seoul, in this April 25, 2023 file photo. AP-Yonhap
South Korea and the United States will likely hold talks "in the near future" about a new defense cost-sharing deal, a senior Seoul official said Wednesday, as the current six-year agreement is set to expire at the end of next year.
The move comes amid concerns that should former President Donald Trump be reelected, he could drive a hard bargain over the 12th Special Measures Agreement (SMA) for the upkeep of the 28,500-strong U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) in a way that could cause friction in the alliance.
"Usually, it takes more than a year to conclude negotiations (on a new SMA). So naturally, there should be a move sometime this year (toward negotiating a deal)," the official said in a meeting with reporters. "In the near future, South Korea and the United States will discuss the defense cost issue."
During Trump's presidency, the SMA negotiation was a major bone of contention as he demanded a hefty rise in South Korea's share of the cost for the USFK. He reportedly called for a fivefold increase to $5 billion.
Since 1991, Seoul has partially shouldered costs under the SMA for Korean USFK workers; the construction of military installations, such as barracks, and training, educational, operational and communications facilities; and other logistical support.
Regarding Japan's diplomatic outreach to North Korea, the official said Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul and his U.S. and Japanese counterparts, Antony Blinken and Yoko Kamikawa, touched on the issue during their trilateral meeting on the margins of the G20 foreign ministerial gathering in Brazil last week.
"(Cho) delivered (Seoul's) basic stance that all contacts with North Korea, including the contact between the North and Japan, should proceed through close (cooperation) on the prior sharing of relevant information, and that all contacts should proceed in a way that contributes to peace and security on the Korean Peninsula," he said.
"All shared the understanding (on the view)," he added.
The official also commented on a news report that South Korea's top nuclear envoy, Kim Gunn, resigned to join the ruling People Power Party just weeks ahead of the April parliamentary elections.
His surprise departure raised concerns that it could undermine Seoul's policy on North Korea and its coordination with his counterparts in the U.S. and other countries.
"It was a personal choice and it would have little effect (on policy implementation)," the official said.
Lee Jun-il, the deputy nuclear envoy, will serve as the chief nuclear negotiator until a new head is appointed, according to Seoul's foreign ministry.
The ministry will review the appointment at the earliest date possible, it added.
The official also noted that First Vice Foreign Minister Kim Hong-kyun has experience as Seoul's top nuclear envoy.
"So there isn't any big problem if we transition to an interim system," he said. (Yonhap)
The Korea Times · February 29, 2024
7. Cooperation among NK, Russia, China, Iran raises possibility of 'simultaneous conflicts': US general
Of course we have to consider the worst cases and that is war and more specifically simultaneous conflicts. But we should not let that blind us to what our adversaries are really doing and that is executing political warfare strategies to be able to achieve their =objectives without necessarily going to war even as they develop the capabilities to do so. Again, we are blinded by the possibility of warfighting and thus cede the initiative in political warfare.
Cooperation among NK, Russia, China, Iran raises possibility of 'simultaneous conflicts': US general
The Korea Times · March 1, 2024
Commander of the United States Strategic Command Gen. Anthony J. Cotton, left, and United States Space Force General Stephen N. Whiting sit before the start of a hearing with the Senate Armed Services Committee at the Hart Senate Office Building on Feb. 29in Washington, DC. AFP-Yonhap
Growing military cooperation among North Korea, Russia, China and Iran raises the possibility of "simultaneous conflicts with multiple nuclear-armed adversaries," a top U.S. general warned Thursday.
Gen. Anthony Cotton, commander of U.S. Strategic Command, made the remarks during a session of the Senate Armed Services Committee, stressing that his command will "always" be "ready to fight tonight."
"We are confronting not one, but two nuclear peers — the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. This reality, combined by missile developments in North Korea, Iran's nuclear ambitions and the growing relationships amongst those nations, adds new layers of complexity to our strategic calculus," he said.
"It also raises the possibility of simultaneous conflicts with multiple nuclear-armed adversaries," he added.
His remarks came amid growing concerns about burgeoning military cooperation between Pyongyang and Moscow.
The United States has revealed that the North provided Russia with ballistic missiles, munitions and other pieces of military equipment for use in Ukraine, while in return, it is seeking assistance from Moscow, including fighter aircraft, surface-to-air missiles, armored vehicles and ballistic missile production equipment.
Cotton highlighted that he has been keeping close tabs on the growing ties between the North and Russia.
"That transactional relationship between Russia and the DPRK has manifested itself in different ways over the past eight months," he said, referring to the North by its official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
"We are looking at that differently on what that relationship actually is, what does the DPRK gain with that new relationship that they have with Russia," he said.
A photo released by the official North Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) on Jan. 31 shows the launch of the strategic cruise missile "Hwasal-2" in the West Sea of Korea in North Korea, Jan. 30. EPA-Yonhap
In a written statement submitted to the committee, Cotton raised the possibility of the North conducting a nuclear test to show its military muscle. Seoul officials have said that Pyongyang remains technically ready for another test while its timing may hinge on North Korean leader Kim Jong-un's strategic calculus.
"DPRK leadership recently declared that the country's status as a nuclear weapons state 'has now become irreversible,' and it is possible the DPRK will resume nuclear testing in order to demonstrate its capabilities," the commander wrote.
Cotton pointed out that the North views its nuclear arsenal as "a means to ensure regime survival and influence Republic of Korea and U.S. forces in the area."
"The DPRK is developing and fielding mobile short-, intermediate-, and intercontinental-range nuclear capabilities that place the United States homeland and regional Allies and partners at risk," he said.
Despite concerns over growing military ties among the North, Russia, China and Iran, Cotton voiced confidence over his command's readiness.
"The men and women that represent U.S. Strategic Command are ready to defend ... if strategic deterrence failure happens tonight, we are ready today."
At the same committee session, Gen. Stephen Whiting, commander of U.S. Space Command, said that North Korea does not have a "space-enabled military today," but it has demonstrated an electromagnetic warfare capability that could have impact against U.S. space systems.
"We are also very carefully watching their space systems," Whiting said, referring to the North's launch last year of what it claimed was a military reconnaissance satellite.
"Of course, they should not be launching it into space because of the U.N. resolutions that say they can't use ballistic missile technology for that. And so again, we are having to keep an eye on what they might be thinking of in the future," he added.
In a written statement, Whiting said that despite the North's frequent missile and satellite program failures, Pyongyang has demonstrated the ability to "sustain a high number of missile launches," and has fielded capable cyber and electronic warfare weapons that present "disruptive potential to the space domain." (Yonhap)
The Korea Times · March 1, 2024
8. Yoon touts improved Japan ties on Independence Movement Day as gateway to 'new world'
I wonder if any of these critics have even read the Korean Declaration of Independence? Certainly the Korean Freedom Fighters took the moral high ground with these words. President Yoon is doing so today.
"We do not intend to accuse Japan of infidelity for its violation of various solemn treaty obligations since the Treaty of Amity of 1876. Japan’s scholars and officials, indulging in a conqueror’s exuberance, have denigrated the accomplishments of our ancestors and treated our civilized people like barbarians. Despite their disregard for the ancient origins of our society and the brilliant spirit of our people, we shall not blame Japan; we must first blame ourselves before finding fault with others. Because of the urgent need for remedies for the problems of today, we cannot afford the time for recriminations over past wrongs."
– Korean Declaration of Independence, March 1st, 1919
Yoon touts improved Japan ties on Independence Movement Day as gateway to 'new world'
Critics accuse Yoon of dampening independence movement spirit
March 1, 2024 - 15:43
m.koreaherald.com · by Son Ji-hyoung · March 1, 2024
President Yoon Suk Yeol (center, front) waves the national flag during a ceremony in remembrance of the March 1st Independence Movement, at the Yu Gwan-sun Memorial Hall in Seoul, Friday. (Presidential Office)
President Yoon Suk Yeol hailed Seoul's thawing relationship with Tokyo as a chance to move the two East Asian countries toward a "new world," stressing that now is the time for South Korea to leave historical grievances in the past.
Yoon described Japan, which ruled South Korea for 35 years until the end of World War II, as South Korea's "partner in the pursuit of common interests for global peace and prosperity," at the March 1 Independence Movement Day celebration held at Yu Gwan-sun Memorial Hall in Seoul on Friday, a national holiday in South Korea. Yu, a then 16-year-old student, was one of the figures at the forefront of the independence movement in 1919, during which 7,500 people nationwide were killed under Japanese oppression.
There, Yoon did not ask for a response or an apology from Japan for its colonial rule of Korea, or for its attempt to wipe out Korea's culture, language and history. Every South Korean president over the past three decades, except for Yoon, has asked Japan to apologize for its past wrongdoings since the late former President Kim Young-sam.
This drew criticism that Yoon, who has sought to restore ties with Japan during the first two years of his five-year term, undermined the spirit of the independence fighters.
Yoon also said the concept of South Korea's joint prosperity with Japan was enshrined in the 1919 declaration.
The Proclamation of Korean Independence in 1919 in protest against the brutality of the Japanese rulers, "made it clear to Japan that our independence would be a path to prosperity for both countries and that we should open a 'new world' on the foundation of mutual understanding and empathy," Yoon said.
"Now, Korea and Japan are working together to overcome the painful past and are moving toward that 'new world,'" he added.
The conservative president highlighted that Seoul-Tokyo exchanges in both the public and private sectors have significantly improved. Security cooperation between South Korea and Japan against North Korean threats, as well as partnerships in industry, finance and technology have been strengthened, Yoon noted. Nearly 10 million people in South Korea and Japan combined traveled to each other's countries in 2023.
"If Korea and Japan build trust through mutual exchanges and cooperation and work together to resolve difficult challenges that history has left us, we will be able to usher in a new and brighter future for our bilateral relations."
Yoon also hinted that any types of independence movements during the 1910-1945 Japanese colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula should be evaluated on equal terms.
According to the presidential office, armed freedom fighters have stolen the spotlight in terms of the public recognition of the independence movement. An official of the presidential office said on condition of anonymity that independence fighters "in the field of education, culture and diplomacy must also be recognized" in tandem with armed freedom fighters.
"No one is allowed to monopolize history," Yoon said during the address. "All Korean people and our future generations should take pride in the history of (South Korea)."
President Yoon Suk Yeol delivers an address to mark March 1 Independence Movement Day, at Yu Gwan-sun Memorial Hall, in Seoul, Friday. (Yonhap)
Rep. Lee Jae-myung, who leads the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea, said on social media that the Yoon Suk Yeol administration "collapsed the independence movement's spirit into oblivion."
Lee also said the growing Seoul-Tokyo partnership that Yoon touted as an achievement stems from "humiliating diplomacy," given Japan's consistent failure to accept its past wrongdoings and its renewed claims over South Korea's territory.
Meanwhile, Yoon said South Korea's unification with North Korea is the only way to inherit the spirit of the independence movement.
"The March 1 Independence Movement will be made complete only upon a unification that brings freedom and abundance to everyone," Yoon said.
Yoon also said North Korea's description of South Korea as its primary foe and invariable principal enemy is "truly deplorable."
A source from the presidential office reaffirmed that there are no ongoing talks concerning Yoon's summit with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida in March. Yoon and Kishida held talks seven times in 2023 as Seoul declared so-called "shuttle diplomacy" with Japan early last year.
South Korea is set to hold a general election in April.
m.koreaherald.com · by Son Ji-hyoung · March 1, 2024
9. N.K. again close to bottom in global freedom index: report
Yet amazingly when I speak with some escapees they thought they had freedom in the north because that was what they were told. Due to their indoctrictination they have no frame of reference for freedom.
N.K. again close to bottom in global freedom index: report | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kang Jae-eun · March 1, 2024
SEOUL, March 1 (Yonhap) -- North Korea was again assessed as one of the most repressive countries in the world in an annual report by the U.S.-based freedom watchdog, receiving only three out of 100 points on the freedom index.
In the report, titled "Freedom in the World 2024," published by Freedom House, North Korea was given zero points out of 40 in terms of political rights and 3 points out of 60 in terms of civil liberties.
The only countries behind the North in the index were Syria with 1 point, South Sudan with 1 point and Turkmenistan with two points. The east African country of Eritrea received the same 3 points as North Korea.
In contrast, South Korea scored 83 points in the index and was categorized as a "free" country.
The organization said political oppression, human rights violations and monitoring of civilians were still rampant in the North.
North Korea has consistently been ranked in the group of the worst nations for freedom since the organization published the first annual report in 1973.
The report gives each nation a score from 1 to 100 based on indexes derived from the U.N. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and then classifies them into the three categories of "free," "partly free" and "not free."
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (C) attends the 19th enlarged meeting of the political bureau of the eighth Central Committee of the Workers' Party, in this undated photo released by the North's official Korean Central News Agency on Jan. 25, 2024. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
fairydust@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kang Jae-eun · March 1, 2024
10. N. Korean workers refuse to go to work in Dandong: Seoul expert
Did the exposure to the outside world lead these Koreans to resist? (Even in China they may have learned more about freedom and rights than they did in north Korea).
N. Korean workers refuse to go to work in Dandong: Seoul expert | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · February 29, 2024
SEOUL, Feb. 29 (Yonhap) -- North Korean workers have refused to go to work in the Chinese border city of Dandong, demanding their return to North Korea, a Seoul expert claimed Thursday.
Citing a source, Cho Han-bum, a senior research fellow at the state-run Korea Institute for National Unification, said on his YouTube channel that scores of North Korean workers staged a work stoppage in mid-February.
"North Korea dispatched its consul to the site right after the incident to handle the case, but is believed to have faced difficulties," Cho said.
"The workers are believed to be remaining stubborn, saying that even if they die, they will go home and die there," he said, adding that the workers are physically and emotionally exhausted amid protracted stays in China.
This file photo, taken Aug. 16, 2023, shows North Korean buses heading to the Chinese border city of Dandong on a bridge over the Amnok River. (Yonhap)
South Korea's spy agency said it is closely watching related developments as various incidents have occurred due to North Korean workers' dire living conditions.
Around 2,000 North Korean workers, dispatched by a trade firm under the North's defense ministry, occupied a factory in Helong, in China's Jilin Province, in January and staged a riot due to overdue wages, according to the Japanese daily Yomiuri Shimbun.
North Korea has been dispatching workers abroad, mainly to Russia and China, to earn much-needed foreign currency, in violation of United Nations Security Council resolutions on Pyongyang's nuclear and missile programs.
sooyeon@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · February 29, 2024
11. Kim Jong Un’s new car from Putin sparks resentment among North Koreans
I wonder if Koreans in the north are wondering how many people could be fed with the money spent on all luxury goods for the KFR and the elite?
Kim Jong Un’s new car from Putin sparks resentment among North Koreans
Kim Yo Jong was quoted in state media as saying, "This is a fine gift that will serve as a clear symbol of the special friendship that has developed between the leaders of our two countries"
https://www.dailynk.com/english/kim-jong-un-new-car-putin-sparks-resentment-among-north-koreans/
By Lee Chae Un - March 1, 2024
Kim Jong Un meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin at a Russian space center on September 13, 2023. (Rodong Sinmun-News1)
News that Russian President Vladimir Putin gave North Korean leader Kim Jong Un a luxury car has sparked resentment among some North Koreans, Daily NK has learned.
“Whenever residents of Chongjin hear that the Marshal [Kim Jong Un] recently received a car from President Putin, they furrow their brows,” a source in North Hamgyong Province told Daily NK on Wednesday on condition of anonymity.
According to the source, such news is bound to be unpleasant for people who are tightening their belts in the face of continuing hardship.
Indeed, Chongjin residents reacted with irritation to the report of Kim’s car gift.
“They shouldn’t have reported it on the news,” said one person.
“I doubt he got the car for free. He must have given them something of equal value to the car,” mused another.
“If he really cared about the people, he would have asked for food instead of a car and given everyone a few kilos,” said a third.
Frustration is growing, the source said, as more families go hungry with no rations in sight, despite recent rumors that the government has profited handsomely from arms sales to Russia. Under the circumstances, the news that Kim had received a car rubbed some North Koreans the wrong way.
But North Koreans share their thoughts only with people they can trust, never daring to speak openly, knowing that the authorities could take them and their family members away for saying such things.
The source quoted one frustrated Chongjin resident as saying: “People like us are so poor that we can barely find grass to chew. Still, we have to make a living somehow, or else we’ll have to beg on the streets until we roll over and die. For people like us, it’s better not to hear that [Kim] received a car as a gift, because it will only make us more neurotic.
Another Chongjin resident shared the following thoughts. “They may try to keep us in the dark, but we’re not blind and deaf. We know what’s going on. The North Koreans know very well that we have to tighten our belts so that they can make weapons, sell them to other countries, and then use the proceeds to make more weapons. I have no idea who benefits from strengthening our military or developing nuclear weapons. To me, the news about the car felt like mocking hungry people by putting some meat in front of them and saying, “Look at this! Don’t you wish you could have some?'”
“If people were making enough money to get by on their own, they would probably let it go without getting so emotional about it. They’re particularly sensitive about it because they’re living in unbearably difficult financial circumstances,” the source said.
State media: Gifted vehicle a “symbol of special friendship” between Russia and the DPRK
The Rodong Sinmun and other North Korean media reported that Putin gave Kim a Russian-made vehicle on Feb. 20.
State-run media reported that Pak Jong Chon, a party secretary, and Kim Yo Jong, Kim Jong Un’s younger sister, had received the gift from the Russians on Feb. 18, and quoted Kim Yo Jong as saying, “This is a fine gift that will serve as a clear symbol of the special friendship that has developed between the leaders of our two countries.”
At first, North Korean media did not print any photos of the car or any details about it, such as the name of the model. But then some young people became curious about the identity of the car, asking how much it was worth and what its global ranking was.
Reports in the North Korean media generated considerable interest in Kim’s gift even in South Korea, and the Russians soon confirmed that the vehicle was an Aurus.
The Aurus is a full-size luxury sedan manufactured in Russia. Putin personally showed Kim an Aurus during Kim’s visit to Russia last year, and Kim showed great interest, even jumping into the backseat with Putin.
Translated by David Carruth. Edited by Robert Lauler.
Daily NK works with a network of sources living in North Korea, China, and elsewhere. Their identities remain anonymous for security reasons. For more information about Daily NK’s network of reporting partners and information-gathering activities, please visit our FAQ page here.
Please send any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
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12. S. Korea to update unification vision for 1st time in 30 years
Excellent. The South has the moral high ground and at this inflection point based on current Kim Jong Un statements and actions the South has a real opportunity to use unification as a key element of its strategy. And the alliance should be fully supportive of this.
S. Korea to update unification vision for 1st time in 30 years | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Yi Wonju · March 1, 2024
SEOUL, March 1 (Yonhap) -- The government of President Yoon Suk Yeol plans to draw up a new vision for unification with North Korea to include the principle of liberal democracy, a presidential official said Friday.
It will mark the first revision to the National Community Unification Formula, South Korea's unification policy unveiled in August 1994 under the administration of late President Kim Young-sam.
"The National Community Unification Formula, which has served as the official unification plan of our government so far, leaves out the philosophy of liberal democracy that we currently aim for," the senior official at the presidential office told reporters.
He stressed the importance of updating the unification formula to better embody the government's plan for a "liberal democracy-based unification" in which all North Koreans can also enjoy freedom and prosperity.
"The fact that the South and the North have produced different results in the past 70 years since division clearly shows the path that is right and desired by everyone," he added.
The official said the new unification policy will include such a vision and philosophy.
In August 2022, Yoon unveiled an "audacious" initiative to help the impoverished North improve its economy in return for denuclearization steps.
President Yoon Suk Yeol delivers a commemorative address during a ceremony marking the 105th anniversary of the March 1 Independence Movement at the Memorial Hall of Yu Gwan-sun in Seoul on March 1, 2024. (Yonhap)
julesyi@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Yi Wonju · March 1, 2024
13. N. Korean officials shocked about establishment of ties between S. Korea and Cuba
Because they are losing at the game of "Go' (Baduk)
N. Korean officials shocked about establishment of ties between S. Korea and Cuba
A newspaper exclusive to party officials briefly mentioned that Seoul and Havana had established relations; it did not assess or analyze the development
By Seulkee Jang - February 29, 2024
https://www.dailynk.com/english/north-korean-officials-shocked-establishment-ties-between-south-korea-cuba/
Cuban Council of State President Miguel Diaz Canel meets with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and his wife at the Workers' Party of Korea headquarters in Pyongyang on Nov. 5, 2018, during his visit to the DPRK. (Screengrab from the Korean Central News Agency website)
North Korea has yet to officially respond to South Korea’s recent establishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba. The Rodong Sinmun, available to all North Koreans, has not yet mentioned the news. However, party officials have been briefed on the development, which has sparked a wave of negative reactions within the Workers’ Party establishment, with some officials calling Cuba a “traitor nation.”
Speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons, a high-ranking Daily NK source in Pyongyang said Wednesday that the Chamgo Sinmun (literally the “Reference Newspaper”) – an international affairs newspaper published by the Central Committee Publications Department and distributed only to party officials – published a report on the establishment of relations between South Korea and Cuba on Feb. 18, four days after Havana and Seoul announced the move.
The Chamgo Sinmun only briefly mentioned that Seoul and Havana had established relations. It did not evaluate or analyze the development.
Two weeks have passed since South Korea and Cuba formally established relations by exchanging official diplomatic letters between their U.N. delegations in New York on Feb. 14, but North Korea has not officially responded to the development.
However, the state-run KCNA, the Rodong Sinmun, and other North Korean media carried reports of a celebratory banquet around the time of late North Korean leader Kim Jong Il’s 82nd birthday on Feb. 16, without mentioning that Cuba’s ambassador to North Korea, Eduardo Luis Correa Garcia, was in attendance.
Given that Cuba is the third most cited nation in North Korean media, behind China and Russia, the omission of the ambassador’s presence may have been an expression of Pyongyang’s displeasure with Havana’s move.
The fact that the North Korean authorities took four days to report the establishment of relations between South Korea and Cuba in the Rodong Sinmun, rather than reporting it immediately, suggests that they were agonizing over whether to tell party officials what had happened or to keep quiet.
Revelation causes shock among party officials
In the end, party officials who learned of the establishment of relations between South Korea and Cuba through the Chamgo Sinmun denounced Cuba as a “traitor nation” that “outwardly acts like a brother but secretly stabs us in the back” and criticized its “treacherous diplomacy.”
In other words, party officials were so shocked that Cuba, which had been considered a “brother nation,” had established relations with South Korea that they felt a sense of betrayal.
While distributing the Chamgo Sinmun, North Korean authorities ordered party officials not to start rumors or groundless talk by unnecessarily mentioning that South Korea and Cuba had established diplomatic relations.
The authorities seemed concerned that ordinary people might negatively view their government’s diplomatic strategy if they learned that South Korea and Cuba had established relations.
North Korea’s foreign ministry, meanwhile, issued an order to its diplomatic personnel in Cuba to send constant reports on Cuba’s foreign policy and diplomatic movements, according to the high-ranking source.
While North Korea is paying attention to what Cuba does next in terms of foreign policy, “the government won’t ostracize Cuba as long as it respects our ideology and traditions and continues to support us,” the source said, adding: North Korea is “watching to see if Cuba continues to maintain trust with our state in the international community.”
Pyongyang appears to be avoiding open criticism or protest of Havana’s establishment of diplomatic relations with Seoul for fear of losing Cuba at a time when North Korea’s diplomatic space in the international community is shrinking. This suggests that North Korea hopes for Cuba’s continued support in the international community.
“Our nation doesn’t interfere in the internal affairs of other countries,” the source said. “We respect Cuba’s decision, but our caution toward Cuba has grown over this issue.”
Translated by David Black. Edited by Robert Lauler.
Daily NK works with a network of sources living in North Korea, China, and elsewhere. Their identities remain anonymous for security reasons. For more information about Daily NK’s network of reporting partners and information-gathering activities, please visit our FAQ page here.
Please send any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
Read in Korean
14, N. Korean soldier’s desertion in Pyongyang causes major stir
Songbun is the most horrific caste system. But I suppose this is the north KOrean example of "from each according to his ability to each according to his need."
Excerpts:
The guard company commander, the political guidance officer and the squad commanders had given early leave to soldiers from well-to-do families in Pyongyang so that they could gather materials for two consecutive holidays (the Lunar New Year and the Day of the Shining Star). This gave the soldiers extra time to relax while taking care of their assigned tasks.
Since soldiers from families with means in Pyongyang went on vacation, only children of poor workers and peasants in the countryside remained on duty. The remaining soldiers were forced to double their guard duty at the university with no time for rest, causing much resentment and discontent in the company.
N. Korean soldier’s desertion in Pyongyang causes major stir
With much of his unit away fulfilling non-tax burdens, the man returned to his hometown of Nampo out of frustration with increased work
https://www.dailynk.com/english/north-korean-soldier-desertion-pyongyang-causes-major-stir/
By Jong So Yong - February 29, 2024
A statue of Kim Il Sung in North Korea. (Roman Harak, Creative Commons, Flickr)
The desertion of a soldier from a guard company at a Pyongyang university just a day before Kim Jong Il’s birthday celebration caused a serious stir, Daily NK has learned.
A source in Pyongyang told Daily NK on Tuesday that a soldier of the guard company at Kim Il Sung Military University deserted on Feb. 15, the eve of the Day of the Shining Star (Kim Jong Il’s birthday), out of dissatisfaction with his commanding officers.
The guard company commander, the political guidance officer and the squad commanders had given early leave to soldiers from well-to-do families in Pyongyang so that they could gather materials for two consecutive holidays (the Lunar New Year and the Day of the Shining Star). This gave the soldiers extra time to relax while taking care of their assigned tasks.
Since soldiers from families with means in Pyongyang went on vacation, only children of poor workers and peasants in the countryside remained on duty. The remaining soldiers were forced to double their guard duty at the university with no time for rest, causing much resentment and discontent in the company.
“While the unit commanders recruited soldiers from Pyongyang families every year to line their pockets, the soldiers who had to stay behind and do all the work received no benefits and were lucky to get a crust of bread and a cigarette,” the source said.
Trouble in the company began when the soldiers from Pyongyang were sent on leave before the Day of the Shining Star, as was the case before the Lunar New Year.
Most of the Pyongyang soldiers, who accounted for 30% of the company’s strength, had gone home to attend to their assigned tasks. The soldiers from the countryside had to switch from their typical five-shift guard duty to a two- or three-shift rotation, which increased their dissatisfaction.
One fed-up soldier goes AWOL
One soldier from Nampo was so angry about having to do endless guard duty because he came from a poor provincial family that he deserted.
The company commanders were relieved that the soldier had left his gun in the sentry box when he deserted. But realizing that their superiors would probably make a big deal out of his desertion because it occurred during the “special guard week” around the Day of the Shining Star, they immediately went to the deserter’s hometown to track him down.
In fact, the deserter had gone into hiding near his hometown. But when he learned that the company commanders planned to eat and sleep at his family’s house, he was so angry that he returned home immediately.
When the deserter was caught by the other soldiers, he began to wriggle and bang his head against the walls and doors in front of his parents, begging for an immediate discharge from the military. He shouted that he did not want to return to his company, where he was always the victim of beatings.
“The unit had tried its best to keep the incident under wraps, but rumors of the disturbance soon circulated around Nampo and eventually came to the attention of the local party committee,” the source said.
Translated by David Carruth. Edited by Robert Lauler.
Daily NK works with a network of sources living in North Korea, China, and elsewhere. Their identities remain anonymous for security reasons. For more information about Daily NK’s network of reporting partners and information-gathering activities, please visit our FAQ page here.
Please send any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
15. Exclusive: Kim Jong Un is now ‘Great Comrade,’ no longer ‘Great Leader’
It is all about Kim Jong Un. Not north Korea. Not the Korean people in the north. Only Kim Jong Un. And you can only survive and get head in north Korea by demonstrating personal loyalty to Kim Jong Un. The is likely the work of Kim Yo Jong as he main mission has been to protect and enhance Kim Jong Un's reputation.
I am reminded of these worlds from Hwang Jong Yop, the highest ranking defector from north Korea and the "father" of Juche ideology:
“The fundamental reason for human rights being trampled in North Korea lies in the ‘Dear Leader Absolutism’ dictatorship. There can be no human rights for the people in North Korea where the greatest morality and absolute law is giving one’s mind and body to the Dear Leader; and living as a slave who obeys completely and unconditionally the Dear Leader - it is the only life permitted the North Korean People.”
– Hwang Jang Yop, 2 DEC 99
Excerpts:
Each of the five parts of the oath contains the title “Great Comrade.”
The promise commits the speaker to “support and defend” Kim Jong Un “politically and ideologically,” and pledges that they will remain “loyal and obedient” to his sole leadership “at all costs,” and will only follow the “Mt. Paektu bloodline,” which refers to the Kim Dynasty.
Exclusive: Kim Jong Un is now ‘Great Comrade,’ no longer ‘Great Leader’
A new oath signals a shift away from his predecessors and elevates Kim Jong Un’s status.
By Cheon Soram for RFA Korean
2024.02.29
Seoul
rfa.org
North Korea’s supreme leader Kim Jong Un has received a new title, “Great Comrade,” signaling that the leadership wants to emphasize his achievements over his predecessors, father Kim Jong Il and grandfather Kim Il Sung, residents told Radio Free Asia.
The shift from “Great Leader” to “Great Comrade” occurred sometime this month, as the country circulated a five-point oath – shared exclusively with RFA Korean – that must be sworn by all North Koreans to pledge their loyalty.
The oath, sent to all organizations and institutions in the country, is read by officials at various events, including holidays and national anniversaries, and repeated by the people, said a North Korean resident who requested anonymity for security reasons
Each of the five parts of the oath contains the title “Great Comrade.”
The promise commits the speaker to “support and defend” Kim Jong Un “politically and ideologically,” and pledges that they will remain “loyal and obedient” to his sole leadership “at all costs,” and will only follow the “Mt. Paektu bloodline,” which refers to the Kim Dynasty.
National founder Kim Il Sung and the ruling Kim family is said to have strong connections to Mt. Paektu, the tallest mountain on the Korean peninsula and a sacred peak in Korean mythology.
The oath goes on to say the speaker is armed with the “revolutionary ideology of Great Comrade Kim Jong Un” and commits them to “vigorously participate in the construction of socialism,” and fight against anti-socialism.
It concludes by pledging to dedication “to the final victory of the Juche revolution and National Unification.” Juche is North Korea’s founding ideology of self-reliance.
Elevating his status
The five points are preceded by a singular statement about working towards the socialist theory known as “Great Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism” – but after that, neither Kim’s father nor grandfather are mentioned.
The lack of emphasis on Kim’s predecessors suggests that the government wants to elevate his status above them, according to Jiro Ishimaru of the Osaka-based Asia Press, a news outlet that specializes in North Korea.
The cover of the oath administered to all North Korean residents. (RFA)
“In the past there were consistent messages saying that we should not forget the leadership of Grand Marshal Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il and carry out their instructions,” Ishimaru said.
“But in this oath, these messages have almost disappeared. It refers to ‘Great Comrade Kim Jong Un’ and only mentions that Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism is to be maintained,” he said. “It certainly seems like a lot has changed.”
The new oath places unique emphasis on Kim Jong Un, whereas previously the government included adherence to the ideologies of the predecessors to project a sense of continuity to enhance the perception of his legitimacy, Cheong Seong-chang, the director of the Center for Korean Peninsula Strategy at the Sejong Institute, told RFA.
“In the past, they expressed their stance to inherit the ideology and policies of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il. But there are many differences between Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Il’s policies and Kim Jong Un’s policies,” he said. “This oath basically puts Kim Jong Un’s instructions and guidance forward as the absolute standard. So, it seems that Kim Jong Un’s leadership is firmly rooted now.”
Dropping national unification
Recently, the North Korean government has reversed its official stance on reunification, and no longer considers it a priority. This makes the fifth clause of the oath, which mentions national unification, obsolete.
Experts therefore believe that this oath was written in 2021 or earlier.
A resident of North Korea who requested anonymity for safety reasons said that instructions were given to officials to skip the part about national unification when reading the oath.
Experts expect that a revised version of this oath will be circulated soon to reflect the shift away from the South, which in recent months North Korea has defined as its “primary enemy.”
Additionally, Pyongyang has ended economic cooperation with Seoul, and has stopped using language that considers Koreans on both sides of the DMZ as belonging to the same race of people.
Translated by Claire Lee. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster.
rfa.org
16. In South Korea, Del Toro courts major shipbuilders to set up shop in US
In South Korea, Del Toro courts major shipbuilders to set up shop in US - Breaking Defense
Navy Secretary Carlos Del Toro in public has frequently referenced potential subsidies for foreign shipbuilders who establish stateside operations.
breakingdefense.com · by Justin Katz · February 29, 2024
US Navy Secretary Carlos Del Toro walks with officials from HD Hyundai Heavy Industries. (Photo courtesy of US Navy.)
WASHINGTON — During a recent trip to South Korea, Navy Secretary Carlos Del Toro pitched two of the country’s major shipbuilders to potentially set up shop stateside, according to statement from Del Toro’s office.
“In each of these engagements, I brought to the table a simple, yet profound opportunity: invest in America. I was enormously gratified by the strong interest expressed by the leaders of each of these world-class shipbuilders in establishing U.S. subsidiaries and investing in shipyards in the United States,” Del Toro said in a statement published Wednesday night.
During the trip, the secretary met with executives from and toured the shipyards of Hanwha Ocean and HD Hyundai Heavy Industries. The discussions “centered on attracting Korean investment in integrated commercial and naval shipbuilding facilities in the United States,” according to the statement.
The visit is part of an initiative the secretary launched in September, which he calls “a new maritime statecraft,” part of which focuses on attracting shipbuilders from allied countries to invest in the United States’ defense industrial base by establishing shipyards stateside.
In recent public remarks at events such as Surface Navy Association and West, Del Toro has referenced rarely-used authorities that he and the secretary of transportation hold that allow them to subsidize certain shipbuilders if a vessel has dual-use as a commercial and military vessel.
“If a ship, a commercial vessel that has dual military use or purpose, costs $100 million here in the US, but it costs $80 million overseas, then we could subsidize that shipbuilder here in the US with an additional $20 million and allow them to build that ship here in the US as opposed to overseas,” he told reporters at SNA.
The new statement from Del Toro refers to those authorities again, citing numerous vacant, but intact shipyards scattered throughout the US, which he called “ripe” for “redevelopment as dual-use construction facilities.”
Both Hanwha and HD Hyundai, two of South Korea’s biggest shipbuilders, have previously expressed interest in expanding to North America. Representatives from the companies joined South Korean government officials in November 2023 on a trip to several major US yards, Naval News reported.
In a brief post on LinkedIn reacting to news reports of Del Toro’s visit, a page associated with HD Hyundai wrote, “We would become a shipbuilder that contributes not only to the development of the RoK Navy and the Philippine Navy, but also to the advancement of the U.S. Navy fleet.”
Although the US has several dozen shipbuilders of varying sizes scattered throughout the country, the Navy heavily relies on a handful of the biggest primes to build its fleet. Notably, two of those builders, Austal USA and Fincantieri Marinette Marine, are subsidiaries themselves of foreign-owned companies based in Australia and Italy, respectively.
“As I saw firsthand during my shipyard visits in Korea this week, Hanwha and Hyundai set the global industry standard,” Del Toro said in his statement. “I could not be more excited at the prospect of these companies bringing their expertise, their technology, and their cutting-edge best practices to American shores. As world class leaders in the global shipbuilding business, they are poised to energize the U.S. shipbuilding marketplace with fresh competition, renowned innovation and unrivaled industrial capacity.”
breakingdefense.com · by Justin Katz · February 29, 2024
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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